Ways & Means Takes on Tax Reform

The House Ways and Means Committee began its focus on tax reform yesterday with a hearing on economic growth.  The hearing, entitled “How Tax Reform Will Grow Our Economy and Create Jobs” featured four company representatives and one hedge fund manager invited, oddly enough, by the Minority.

One of the company witnesses, Zach Mottl, is the Chief Alignment Officer for Atlas Tool Works, a multi-generation family business located outside of Chicago.  Operating in an industry with large, multinational competitors, Zach made clear the current rate structure is tilted against smaller companies like theirs that lack the international presence to shift around income:

In addition, oftentimes, tax issues affect manufacturers of different sizes in different ways, usually smaller manufacturers, like the TMA member companies, are the only companies paying a higher tax rate because we do not have the staff or the resources to develop a comprehensive global tax avoidance plan like our larger peers who actually pay far less in taxes that we do. 

Meanwhile, Representative Vern Buchanan (R-FL), a friend of the Main Street business community, had this to say:

But I want to touch on pass-through entities and make sure they don’t get lost in the mix. I got a bill, I’d like to see close to parity. When you look at corporate rates at 35% they’re not competitive, but for pass-throughs it’s as high as 44%. If you add state income tax in states like California, they’re 12-13%, it could be as high as 57%, makes absolutely no sense. So, I guess I’d like to ask some of the panelists, just your thoughts on lowering those rates, where they’re more competitive, getting it down to somewhat near the corporate rate, I don’t necessarily agree with 15%, but the difference that would make in terms of growth, in terms of jobs, and also in terms of raising wages.

As you’ll recall, Rep. Buchanan has been active on this issue for some time, advocating for a level playing field and sponsoring the Main Street Fairness Act in the last two congresses.  Here’s what we wrote when his bill was first introduced last Congress:

And just this week, Congressman Vern Buchanan (R-FL) introduced legislation on the issue of rate parity.  Entitled the Main Street Fairness Act, the bill would cap the top pass through business tax rate at the top corporate rate.  Under the Buchanan bill, the same 35 percent top rate that applies to corporate income would also apply to successful pass through businesses.  If Congress reduces the corporate rate next year, pass through businesses would get the new lower rate too.

Groups weighing in on the Buchanan bill include the National Association of Manufacturers, the National Retail Federation, and the Associated Builders and Contractors.  You can read more about the Buchanan bill here.  You can read the S Corporation Association letter on the bill here.

The good news is that the House Blueprint specifically referenced this legislation as a possible means of defining pass through business income and ensuring fairness for Main Street businesses.  As the debate proceeds, we expect lots more attention paid to the challenge of how to treat pass through businesses.  As the Buchanan bill demonstrates, there are smart folks on the Hill working to make sure we get it right.


Mnuchin on Pass Throughs

The same day that the House kicked off its tax reform efforts, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin was talking taxes over on the Senate side.  Testifying before the Senate Banking Committee, Mnuchin was asked about their tax reform plan and the challenge of enforcing their new, 15-percent rate on businesses.

Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin defended the Trump administration’s push for a 15 percent pass-through tax rate during an appearance today before the Senate Banking Committee.

“We will put procedures in place … to prevent people who should be paying higher taxes from using pass-throughs to arbitrage the system,” Mnuchin said in response to questioning from Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.). “I can assure you … we are not going to allow all pass-throughs to get that rate.”

Mnuchin added that the administration planned to put in place a system to ensure only “small and medium-sized businesses” could use the proposed pass-through rate to ensure wealthy individuals would not simply form their own companies to avoid higher personal income tax rates.

The Treasury secretary also defended the tax outline he and National Economic Council Director Gary Cohn unveiled weeks ago from charges that it would heap trillions more dollars onto the national debt.

“We would never propose a plan that we thought would cost $5 trillion,” Mnuchin said when Sen. Jon Tester (D-Mont.) asked about the cost of tax cuts Trump proposed. “Only parts of the plan were released so I don’t know how it could be responsibly scored.”

“I am concerned as to whether some of the models will attribute enough growth in dynamic scoring,” added Mnuchin, rebutting arguments that growth may not pay for the cost of Trump’s proposals, “but when we present the details we will present how we think it should be paid for.”

There are many concerning aspects of this response, but the most obvious fallacy is the notion that tax avoidance only happens with pass through businesses.  What about the 15-percent rate for corporations?  What’s to stop wealthy individuals from using the C corp structure as a tax shelter?  That’s what they did pre-1986, and that’s what they would do here too (here and here).

For six years, the pass through community has coalesced around a simple proposition that the best way to ensure economic growth and the integrity of the tax code is to tax all forms of income – individual, pass through, and corporate – at similarly low top rates, while eliminating the double tax on corporations.

As the question and response above makes clear, the further you get away from this approach, the more difficult the challenges become.  Secretary Mnuchin’s vision resembles the tax code pre-1986, when all US companies of any size were organized as C corporations and tax avoidance was rampant.

It’s a result we are eager to avoid.

Should Main Street Businesses Elect C Corp Status? No!

The idea that corporate-only tax reform isn’t so bad because Main Street businesses can elect C corporation status has been argued for years. But should Congress reduce the corporate tax rate with the expectation that pass-through businesses will just switch to C status to access the lower rates?   The answer is no.  Here are the main points:

  • It’s the opposite of tax reform.  The corporate-only approach to tax reform is effectively “anti-tax reform.” It will return us to the pre-1986 era, when corporate tax rates were significantly lower than individual rates and tax gaming and income sheltering were rampant.
  • It increases the negative effect of the double corporate tax.  Everyone agrees the double corporate tax hurts investment and job creation.  Forcing pass-through businesses (who employ the majority of private sector workers) into the double tax would make it worse.
  • It penalizes business owners when they sell their business.  For many business owners, the sale of their business is their retirement plan.  The tax code recognizes this by taxing any gain from the sale of a pass-through business at the capital gains rate of 24 percent.  On the other hand, any gain from the sale of a closely-held C corporation is taxed twice at a combined rate of over 50 percent!  This double tax punishes entrepreneurs who have spent a lifetime building their business.

1.   Corporate-Only = Anti-Tax Reform

S-Corp Advisor Tom Nichols hit this point in his testimony before the Ways and Means Committee in 2013:

When I first started practicing law in 1979, the top individual income tax rate was 70 percent, whereas the top income tax rate for corporations taxed at the entity level (“C corporations”) was only 46 percent.   This rate differential obviously provided a tremendous incentive for successful business owners to have as much of their income as possible taxed, at least initially, at the C corporation tax rates, rather than at the individual tax rates, which were more than 50 percent higher.

This tax dynamic set up a cat and mouse game between Congress, the Department of the Treasury and the Internal Revenue Service (the “Service”) on the one hand and taxpayers and their advisors on the other, whereby C corporation shareholders sought to pull money out of their corporations in transactions that would subject them to the more favorable capital gains rates that were prevalent during this period or to accumulate wealth inside the corporations.  Congress reacted by enacting numerous provisions that were intended to force C corporation shareholders to pay the full double tax, efforts that were only partially successful.

Efforts to lower the corporate rates while holding steady individual and pass-through rates should be deemed “anti-tax reform.”  They will return us to the world Tom describes above, effectively reversing the broad changes made by Congress in 1986 and creating a tremendous incentive for taxpayers to organize their income to take advantage of the lower corporate rates and then shelter that income from additional tax.

2.    The Double Tax is the Problem

Any tax reform worth the name would seek to reduce or eliminate the double corporate tax by integrating the corporate tax code with the individual tax code.

Here’s what EY had to say about the double corporate tax in the study they did for us back in 2011:

In addition, the flow-through form helps mitigate the economically harmful effects of the double tax on corporate profits, in which the higher cost of capital from double taxation discourages investment and thus economic growth and job creation. Moreover, double taxation of the return to saving and investment embodied in the income tax system leads to a bias in firms’ financing decisions between the use of debt and equity and distorts the allocation of capital within the economy. As tax reform progresses, it is important to understand and consider all of these issues with an eye towards bringing about the tax reform that is most conducive to increased growth and job creation throughout the entire economy. 

By forcing pass-through businesses into the corporate tax while increasing tax rates on shareholders, the tax reform envisioned by the Obama Administration moves in the opposite direction and will hurt job creation and investment.  Under the Obama Administration’s plan:

The top marginal rate for pass-through businesses remains at 44 percent;

  • The corporate rate drops to 28 percent;
  • The tax on dividends increases to 28 percent; and
  • All these rates apply to a broader base of income.

Today, shareholders of an S corporation making $100 pay a top tax of $44 regardless of whether the income is distributed to shareholders or retained by the business.  How would the Obama proposal affect that company?

  • Under the Obama plan, S corporation income would still pay a top marginal rate of 44 percent, only on a broader base of income.  The taxes on pass-through businesses would go up.
  • Meanwhile, the Administration would cut the corporate tax rate to 28 percent while raising the dividend rate to 28 percent, so a C corporation would pay an initial tax of $28 plus another $20 for any dividends paid to taxable shareholders.  These rates would apply to a broader base of income too, so it’s difficult to say whether any particular corporation would end up paying more or less tax under the Obama plan.

Under these rules, an S corporation could convert to C and reduce its initial tax bite from $44 to $28.  It would then face a choice: Either retain its income at the firm and avoid the second layer of tax, or pay out a dividend and trigger another $20 in taxes (28 percent of $72) for a total tax hit of $48.  Again, this combined rate would apply to a broader base of income.

In other words, the only way the S corporation lowers its tax burden by converting to C is if it then stops any dividend payments and keeps the income within the corporate structure.  Tax reform should seek to reduce this type of distortionary incentive, not increase it.  The double tax on corporations makes US businesses less attractive to investors and less competitive in the world marketplace.  Forcing more businesses into the harmful double tax simply makes no sense.

3.    Double Tax Applies to Business Sales

The “they can just convert” argument also ignores the penalty that closely-held C corporations face when they are sold.  Closely-held C corporations currently face a combined federal tax rate of more than 50 percent when they are sold, versus just 24 percent for the sale of the business by an S corporation.  Under the Obama approach of lower corporate rates but higher capital gains rates, the effective tax would be 48 percent.

This double tax makes switching to C corporation status a non-starter for entrepreneurs who might want to sell their business someday.  Many business sales are tied to the retirement of the owner, where the proceeds are used to fund his or her retirement, so rates that high are a threat to their retirement security.  It’s different for publicly held C corporations.  Individual stockholders can sell their stock at any time, often at higher multiples as the stock of a public company enjoys a more liquid market.

So arguing that pass-through businesses can “just convert” simply is not credible.  Some businesses might be in a position to switch to C status, but there are higher taxes waiting on the other side, along with unproductive tax complexity that does nothing to enhance business productivity.  Given that pass-through businesses employ more than half the private sector workforce, how does any of this make sense?  More broadly, how does forcing more companies into the inefficient and investment-stifling double tax model make America’s companies more competitive?  Sounds like a plan to do the exact opposite.


Keeping Rates the Same

It’s Easter recess here in D.C. and we’ve had a chance to catch up on our reading. Topping the stack was Marty Sullivan’s Tax Notes piece from March 26th. It’s a rebuttal to our tax reform principles letter signed by 45 business groups here in town, so we thought a rebuttal to the rebuttal was in order.

As a reminder, our letter calls on Congress to reform the tax code by adhering to three broad principles: make reform comprehensive, keep the rates low and the same, and continue to reduce the incidence of double taxing corporate income. Marty appears to quarrel with all three, but this piece is focused primarily on the second principle — keeping rates the same.

He begins with the premise that we need to cut corporate tax rate. Here’s his rationale:

A lower corporate rate is chicken soup for the code. It helps cure many ills with few adverse side effects. It would increase capital formation and add to growth. It would increase compliance. It would reduce the tax bias for issuing debt over equity, for retained earnings over distributions, and for booking profits offshore instead of in the United States.

We all like chicken soup and we agree lower marginal rates would be good. But why just for corporations? What about the other half of business income earned by pass-throughs? Fifty-four percent of employment takes place at S corporations, partnerships, and sole proprietorships — wouldn’t those workers benefit if their employers enjoyed lower rates, too? And what about the tax rates paid by the shareholders of corporations? Doesn’t the marginal tax they pay on corporate income ultimately determine the cost of corporate equity investment here in the U.S.? These questions are left unaddressed.

Instead, Marty focuses on how to pay for the corporate rate cut. Marty argues that higher rates on capital gains and dividends could offset the cost of the lower corporate rates, plus they would help ensure that C corporations don’t become tax shelters for folks trying to avoid the higher rates applied to individual income.

We’re less confident that would work. First, sharply higher rates on capital gains and dividends are already current law, so the potential for raising revenue is limited. Second, any time you have wide differentials in tax rates, taxpayers have a powerful incentive to move their income into the lower tax bucket.

Here’s where the Ways and Means testimony from S-Corp Advisor Tom Nichols comes in handy. As Tom explains, in the pre-1986 tax world, using C corporations to hide income was exactly what they did:

When I first started practicing law in 1979, the top individual income tax rate was 70 percent, whereas the top income tax rate for corporations taxed at the entity level (“C corporations”) was only 46 percent. This rate differential obviously provided a tremendous incentive for successful business owners to have as much of their income as possible taxed, at least initially, at the C corporation tax rates, rather than at the individual tax rates, which were more than 50 percent higher.

This tax dynamic set up a cat and mouse game between Congress, the Department of the Treasury and the Internal Revenue Service (the “Service”) on the one hand and taxpayers and their advisors on the other, whereby C corporation shareholders sought to pull money out of their corporations in transactions that would subject them to the more favorable capital gains rates that were prevalent during this period or to accumulate wealth inside the corporations.

Since the taxes at stake could be substantial, the tax opportunities and pitfalls inherent in this system provided tax advisors with a significant source of business. For example, Section 1.537-1(b)(1) of the Treasury Regulations provides that “the corporation must have specific, definite, and feasible plans for the use of such accumulation” in order for such plans to be taken into account for purposes of justifying such accumulation and avoiding the accumulated earnings tax. This led many closely-held business owners to hire attorneys to hold meetings and/or draft corporate minutes when they would otherwise not have incurred the time and expense of documenting such plans so formally.

Cutting today’s corporate rate down to the mid-twenties while allowing rates on individuals and pass-through businesses to rise to the mid-forties would effectively return us to the pre-1986 days of tax shelters and gaming. Marty recognizes this danger, and spends a remarkable amount of time listing all the enforcement tools needed to minimize the games: accumulated earnings tests, personal holding company rules, eliminating step-up in basis at death, limiting charitable donations of stock, taxing passive investment earned by C corporations at individual rates, and limiting C corporation profits to some standard return on investment test. See, it’s easy.

Or, you could just keep rates similar and all these rules would be unnecessary - hence, our reform principle.

Second, Marty may ignore the economic harm caused by high marginal rates on pass- through business and investment income, but it’s there nonetheless. Why is it good to cut the corporate rate? Because it makes U.S.-based businesses more competitive, it reduces distortions in the tax code that hurt growth, and it makes the U.S. a more attractive place to invest. Why doesn’t this same argument apply to tax rates on income earned by pass-through businesses and the shareholders of C corporations? Dead silence.

Marty’s ultimate proposition is to draw a bright line between publicly-held businesses and those in private hands. If you’re public, you get to be a C corporation and pay the new lower rate. If you’re privately held, you get pass-through treatment and pay the new, higher rates. Again, this might make sense as a reform in a world where top tax rates are similar, but here Marty is using it as a tool to ensure that taxpayers don’t game the system in his low-corporate-tax, high-taxes-on-everybody-else world.

It’s possible the Ways and Means Committee chooses to do this, albeit without the huge delta between corporate and non-corporate tax rates. It’s something Jeffrey Kwall has written about on several occasions and he testified about it before the Ways and Means hearing, too. Something to keep an eye on.

CRS on Taxing Large Pass-Throughs as Corporations

More reading. The CRS weighed in recently on the issue of forcing large pass-through businesses to pay taxes as C corporations. The March 30th report entitled “Taxing Large Pass-Throughs As Corporations: How Many Firms Would Be Affected” discusses an idea pushed by the Obama Administration primarily, although key members of Congress have hinted at it as well.

You know our position on this — why does it make sense to cut tax rates for really large C corporations and pay for it by raising taxes on smaller pass-through businesses? It doesn’t. The fact that the CRS paper is almost written in a “How to Raise Taxes on Pass-Throughs in Three Easy Steps!” style, however, doesn’t help much, but it does include one or two nuggets that will be useful in coming debate.

Nugget one is the report makes clear that the businesses affected are anything but the “hedge funds and law firms” targeted by the advocates.Table 5 on page 10 breaks the affected firms down by industry. The top five affected industries for S corporations? Manufacturing, Wholesale/Retail, Mining, Transportation, and Construction.

Nugget two, it makes clear that if your goal is to reduce the disparity in taxation between C corporations and pass-through businesses, further integration of the corporate tax could get you there:

At the same time, an alternative policy prescription that is generally more appealing to economists’ integration of the corporate and individual tax systems’ could also achieve these objectives.

And third, the report raises an issue we haven’t spent a whole lot of time talking about but we probably should — the lack of an economic case for treating all businesses the same. Here’s what CRS says:

Taxing large pass-throughs as corporations would also allow for lower tax rates as it would broaden the corporate tax base. Lower tax rates combined with a reduction in the tax disparity between the corporate and non-corporate sectors could improve business tax equity and the allocation of resources relative to current policy.

Applied to economic activity, this sort of analysis is well established. Tax breaks for homeownership encourage increased investment in residential real estate and less investment elsewhere. The result is an over-investment in houses and a less efficient economy.

But business structure isn’t business activity. Different rules for S and C corporations don’t push business investment into housing or any other sector of the economy. Contrary to the above example, the growth of pass-through businesses doesn’t necessarily encourage residential real estate at the expense of manufacturing or other sectors. You can be either an S or C corporation and still be active in both.

On the other hand, there are offsetting benefits to giving entrepreneurs a choice in selecting a business structure. They can pick the structure that best fits their capital, management, and transition needs.

Forcing some pass-through businesses to pay the corporate tax should be viewed as a pay-for and nothing more. It’s not tax reform, and it’s not going to lead to a more efficient economy or tax code. It’s certainly not going to reduce the cost of business investment in the United States — it will do the opposite under the Administration’s proposals.

Bloomberg on S Corps and Payroll Taxes

Bloomberg’s GOV put out a nice summery of the recent appeals court decision Watson v. U.S. This is the Iowa case where an accountant set up an S corporation to block paying Medicare taxes. The lower court ruled for the IRS and its use of the “Reasonable Compensation” test to require him to pay the correct amount in taxes. The appeals court agreed. Here’s the GOV summary:

The U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Iowa ruled in favor of the IRS in David E. Watson, P.C. v. U.S. The corporation appealed the decision to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit, which affirmed the lower court’s conclusion that Watson’s salary for services rendered should have been $91,044 per year. This represents 40 percent of the S corporation’s total distributions to Watson for 2002 and 46 percent for 2003.

In arriving at the $91,044 figure, the Appeals Court agreed with the lower court’s findings: Watson “was an exceedingly qualified accountant” with 20 years of experience; the 35 to 45 hours per week Watson worked made him “one of the primary earners in a reputable firm” that had earnings of about $2 million in 2002 and $3 million in 2003; and Watson’s $24,000 annual salary was “unreasonably low compared to other similarly situated accountants.”

We don’t support taxpayers who use the S corporation to block payroll taxes they would otherwise legally owe. That’s not the purpose of the S corporation. And we’re glad the IRS is successfully using the tools it already has to go after these taxpayers. A few more high profile cases like this, and you might see the problem shrink.

error: Content is protected !!